Supporters of President Masoud Pezeshkian are hopeful for a prolonged honeymoon period between his administration and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, believing that the relationship between the president and the leader of the Islamic Republic will remain cordial for the foreseeable future.
Khamenei’s 35-year rule provides a historical backdrop to assess his interactions with former presidents – Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Mohammad Khatami, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Hassan Rouhani, and Ebrahim Raisi. While Raisi’s unfinished term and Khamenei’s long-term plans did not allow for a thorough evaluation of their relationship, Raisi’s death has revealed underlying tensions that had not been publicly acknowledged.
Recent orders from Pezeshkian to reinstate dismissed students and professors have sparked criticism, with Kayhan condemning the move and Khamenei’s university representative attacking the president. This suggests early tensions may arise between the leader and Pezeshkian, despite the ongoing honeymoon period of their relationship.
From a broader perspective, Khamenei appears to view Pezeshkian differently than he did Rafsanjani and Rouhani. He does not see him as a political rival or as having the broad social support that Khatami enjoyed.
Relations with Hashemi Rafsanjani
At the beginning of Rafsanjani’s presidency, Khamenei lacked the strength to directly challenge him. Instead, he focused on dismantling the leftist movement. During this time, Rafsanjani often found himself isolated from other major power centers, occasionally aligning closely with Khamenei.
In the first year of Rafsanjani’s presidency, Khamenei’s remarks about him were highly favorable. In his initial meeting with the cabinet, Khamenei referred to Rafsanjani as a “God’s gift” and a “blessing for the people.”
Despite initial support, Khamenei quickly moved to thwart Rafsanjani’s military plans, such as merging the IRGC with the army. Over time, Khamenei’s efforts to weaken Rafsanjani’s government intensified, leading to speculation that Rafsanjani might not seek a second term, partly due to mounting pressure and conflicts.
Though initially hidden, tensions surfaced with the rise of Ansar Hezbollah, exposing rifts within the Islamic Republic. Khamenei’s public criticism of the government’s cultural policies forced Mohammad Khatami to resign as Minister of Culture. Khamenei also fiercely condemned the “aristocracy” within Rafsanjani’s administration.
During the fifth parliamentary election, the rift became more apparent. Institutions under the Islamic Republic’s purview, including the Revolutionary Guards, publicly opposed Rafsanjani’s allies. Rafsanjani’s memoirs highlight criticisms from his associates regarding the IRGC’s interference in the elections and the conduct of the Guardian Council.
Khatami: Karbaschi’s Arrest and the Apparent Intimacy
Initially, due to Mohammad Khatami’s significant electoral support, Khamenei and his institutions were unable to openly challenge his government. During this period, Khatami’s administration appeared to enjoy broad support.
Khamenei publicly praised the electoral process, stating that despite the “enemies’ efforts to undermine the nation’s political engagement and distance it from the revolutionary and divine system, the elections were a testament to the people’s passion and will.”
The initial support soon crumbled. Tensions flared with the arrest of Tehran’s district mayors and the indictment of Gholamhossein Karbaschi. Simultaneously, universities and the press, key pillars of Khatami’s base, came under attack. By 2000, the mounting pressure signaled a stark warning against Khatami pursuing a second term.
Rafsanjani said in his memoirs that Khamenei did not mention the president or his government for the first time in his New Year message, signaling potential difficulties ahead for the administration.
Rafsanjani described Khamenei’s New Year speech in Mashhad as “very sharp” and noted that it directly targeted Khatami.
In the final months of Khatami’s presidency, the Berlin conference took place, and the seizure of newspapers began early in the following year. During Khatami’s second term, the seventh parliament was formed despite objections from the executive and legislative branches concerning the non-competitiveness of 190 constituencies.
Additionally, the closure of Imam Khomeini Airport’s runway in 2004 was described as a quasi-coup. Ahmad Khorram, then Minister of Transport and Communications, revealed during his impeachment hearing that the IRGC had prevented the landing of a foreign flight by deploying armed vehicles and a MiG-29 fighter jet to deter the plane.
Ahmadinejad: From Hand-Kissing to Isolation
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s hand-kissing gesture towards Ali Khamenei symbolized the early days of his presidency.
Khamenei’s support for Ahmadinejad lasted longer than it had for previous administrations. Notably, in the 2009 elections, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf was barred from running against Ahmadinejad. However, cracks appeared quickly after Ahmadinejad’s second term began, especially over his choice for vice president. Tensions reached a boiling point when Ahmadinejad staged an 11-day protest at home, defying Khamenei’s resistance to impeach the Minister of Intelligence.
In Ahmadinejad’s final two years, his administration faced significant friction with institutions under Khamenei’s control, including the Revolutionary Guards and the Judiciary. Notable conflicts included the arrest of the editor of the Iran newspaper.
Despite the tumultuous final years of Ahmadinejad’s presidency, Khamenei acknowledged the challenges faced by the administration in his speech. He said, “Everyone understood that the esteemed president and his colleagues in the government had a very high and demanding workload compared to other periods. This is a significant point that should not be overlooked.”
Rouhani: A Delayed Send-Off
At the start of Rouhani’s presidency, Khamenei approved the his government’s nuclear negotiations, leading to the formation of the 2015 nuclear deal. However, Khamenei was reluctant to take responsibility for the agreement and frequently criticized it.
One of Rouhani’s notable actions was his phone call with Barack Obama, which Khamenei chose not to strongly condemn due to the broader implications for relations with the government. Nevertheless, Khamenei publicly criticized the move, stating, “We support the government’s diplomatic activities and value diplomatic efforts, although some events during the trip to New York were, in our opinion, inappropriate.”
Tensions between Rouhani and Khamenei spiked at the start of Rouhani’s second term. Reports surfaced of a heated meeting where Khamenei criticized Rouhani’s debate remarks, prompting visible dissatisfaction from the president. The situation worsened as institutions under Khamenei’s control escalated attacks, including aggressive charges against Rouhani’s brother, Hossein Fereydoun. Khamenei’s farewell meeting with Rouhani’s government was notably cold compared to previous administrations.
In Rouhani’s final months in office, Khamenei actively blocked attempts to revive nuclear negotiations, making sure the administration exited without any new achievements. Khamenei also refused to take a commemorative photo with Rouhani and his cabinet and did not present the customary Quran to the outgoing government. His farewell speech, lasting just 17 minutes, was notably brief, reflecting his deep dissatisfaction with Rouhani’s presidency.
Raisi: Keeping the Conflict Behind Closed Doors
Ebrahim Raisi’s complete support and the elimination of his competitors contributed to a relatively warm relationship between him and Khamenei, with any potential tensions remaining private. Despite this, discussions about Raisi as a potential successor to Khamenei led to significant behind-the-scenes conflicts.
Raisi’s brief time in office meant that these internal conflicts did not become public. The relationship between Raisi and Khamenei appeared less strained due to factors such as Raisi’s alignment with Khamenei’s policies, the retreat of reformist influence in certain areas, and ongoing regional conflicts.
Source » iranwire