The new Iranian president, Masoud Pezeshkian, might have thought he would have a much easier time introducing his proposed ministers to the parliament. He served in the parliament for four terms and regards some of the MPs as his close friends. According to the Iranian constitution, the parliament needs to confirm the president’s proposed cabinet ministers before they can start their job.

President Pezeshkian emphasized that he sought the support of Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, for his cabinet before presenting it to the parliament. But that was not good enough for some hardline parliamentarians who think Pezeshkian is too much of a “reformer.”

Pezeshkian told the MPs that the Iranian government is responsible for public dissatisfaction, not foreign forces like the United States. “The core issue is that the people should be satisfied with us, and right now, they are not. This is our fault, not America’s or any other foreigner’s,” said Pezeshkian. “America remains our primary threat, but if we stand united, we can reduce these threats. Additionally, we are witnessing tension and conflict in the region and must work to improve our relations with our neighbors.”

Pezeshkian described his proposed cabinet as a “government of national unity,” saying, “The government presented to the parliament today is a government that considers itself the government of all the people of Iran.”

The process of reviewing the proposed ministers and the speeches from their supporters and opponents will take several days. According to the official news agency of the Islamic Republic, the representatives are expected to vote on Wednesday, August 21, to either approve or disapprove each of the proposed ministers individually.

Pezeshkian’s proposed cabinet has drawn attention due to its lack of diversity. It includes only one woman, no Sunni ministers, and no representation from ethnic minorities. Additionally, there is a strong presence of individuals with security and military backgrounds in the cabinet, leading to concerns.

Azar Mansouri, head of the Reform Front, condemned the proposed cabinet, saying, “One should not expect miracles from this government, especially considering that more than 80 per cent of the country’s power is in the hands of other entities.”

The nominated cabinet’s average age of 59.7 contradicts Pezeshkian’s earlier promise that 60 per cent of ministers would be under 50.

Former pro-reform president Mohammad Khatami also criticized the proposed cabinet, saying, “In some cases, things could have been handled better. We do not expect miracles from him under any circumstances.”

“Naturally, we are interested in and demand that they stick to the promises they made,” he added. Speaking at a gathering of his advisors last week, Khatami emphasized the importance of supporting the president and cautioned against premature criticism.

Farzaneh Sadegh, Pezeshkian’s pick for the Ministry of Roads and Urban Development, is the only female candidate nominated by Pezeshkian for a ministerial position in his administration. If she secures the confidence vote from the parliament, she’ll make history as only the second woman ever to hold a ministerial position in the Islamic Republic.

Although some MPs discussed Sadegh’s gender in interviews with hardline media, none of them raised it as a reason to oppose her. Even Mohammad Manan Raisi, a hardline parliamentarian from Qom who has vehemently opposed Sadegh, said that his opposition is based on Sadegh’s track record, not her gender.

“During her tenure at the Ministry of Roads, Tehran became the most expensive capital in the world in terms of housing,” Raisi said. He added, “There has been unwarranted criticism regarding my opposition to a woman becoming a minister.”

Farzaneh Sadegh thanked Pezeshkian for his confidence in her and in women’s leadership. “I am transparent, honest, against corruption, and not affiliated with any group or faction,” she declared. Sadegh promised to prioritize housing development while considering necessary green spaces.

The Monday session in the parliament was also marked by controversy and debate over the examination process itself.

Hamid Rasaei, a hardline MP, criticized Speaker of the Parliament Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf for the way he registered supporters and opponents of the proposed ministers.

Rasaei argued that the current system, which allows MPs to register for their speeches 30 minutes before each minister’s review starts, does not give representatives adequate time to prepare their speeches. Ghalibaf defended the procedure, stating it was designed to prevent lobbying.

In another controversial move, some representatives who formally registered as opponents of the proposed ministers ended up speaking in favor of them.

For instance, a Tehran MP who initially registered as an opponent of the proposed Minister of Intelligence surprised the assembly by taking the podium and delivering a speech in full support of the candidate.

On Wednesday, the proposed Minister of Sports praised the participation of Iranian women athletes with hijab in international sports tournaments and claimed that they had “defeated the enemy’s attempts to undermine chastity.”

He described the sports field as an area for “soft war” and criticized what he called the “discriminatory” behavior of international sports organizations.

Hardliners like Rasaei vehemently opposed Abbas Araghchi, the nominated foreign minister, focusing on his role in the 2015 nuclear deal during President Hassan Rouhani’s administration when Mohammad Javad Zarif was the foreign minister. Some hardliners believe that Araghchi, who received his PHD from the University of Kent in the UK, is too trusting of the West.

The Parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Commission approved Araghchi’s qualification to serve as foreign minister. Araghchi has a background in the Revolutionary Guards, served as Iran’s ambassador to Japan and Finland, and was involved in nuclear negotiations as Zarif’s deputy during the 2015 talks.

A hardline parliamentarian attacked the nuclear deal, arguing that “national honor was not respected” during the negotiations with world powers. Another critic, Amirhossein Sabeti, claimed that a “dangerous game” was being played to secure Araghchi’s approval. He questioned the integrity of the process, even suggesting that Parliament be closed if such actions were taking place. Sabeti, a close ally of Saeed Jalili—Pezeshkian’s rival during the election—also shared a video of Araghchi defending the nuclear deal.

In response, Araghchi described the aired video as a “badge of honor.” He reiterated that negotiating to lift sanctions in any form is a policy of the Islamic Republic. He emphasized the goal of securing the best possible agreement and outlined his approach to “neutralizing the sanctions” while simultaneously working to remove them.

He clarified that his policy centers on “managing the conflict” with the United States, with no plans to “resolve the conflict” outright. He also emphasized prioritizing relations with China, Russia, and other countries that have supported Iran during sanctions, including nations in Africa, Latin America, and East Asia.

Araghchi noted that if European countries alter their “incorrect and hostile behavior” towards Iran, they could be reconsidered as priorities in foreign relations.

In a meeting on Monday night with several new members of the parliament, Pezeshkian said, “Just as the government has committed to the slogan of national unity, it is now expected that the parliament and its representatives demonstrate their commitment to unity in practice.”

The hearings have shown that Pezeshkian will have a difficult task carrying out his campaign promises of justice and equality. He needs to negotiate with the hardline parliamentarians, who regard him as part of the reformist camp and, hence, untrustworthy. He may have to drop the Ayatollah’s name several times during his attempts to convince the representatives. The octogenarian Ayatollah has so far supported Pezeshkian, but any real reform of the Islamic Republic regime will affect the leader’s power and authority.

So, in an obvious attempt to alleviate the Ayatollah’s worries, Pezeshkian emphasized that “none of the proposed ministers were introduced to the parliament without consulting the highest offices in the country.” The term usually refers to the office of Ayatollah Khamenei, whose support is crucial for Pezeshkian to carry out his daily responsibilities.

Source » nationalpost