Recently, Esmaeil Khatib, the Iranian regime’s Minister of Intelligence, confirmed a dramatic tenfold increase in the ministry’s budget under the 13th government. He asserted that this substantial funding boost has led to the expansion of the nation’s security infrastructure and has enhanced the ministry’s effectiveness in countering threats, particularly from Israel.
The budget increase is part of a strategic initiative known as the Transformation of the Ministry of Intelligence. Khatib highlighted the improved synergy among the intelligence and security agencies under President Ebrahim Raisi, claiming that this collaboration has yielded positive results, especially in the northwest and southeast regions of Iran.
While Khatib emphasized the ministry’s focus on identifying and neutralizing terrorist networks, human rights organizations have raised alarms about the regime’s security forces targeting civil and religious activists from various ethnic groups. These activists have been arrested and prosecuted under charges such as espionage, subversive activities, and possession of illegal weapons.
Currently, four intelligence agencies operate in parallel within Iran: the Ministry of Intelligence, the Intelligence Organization of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the Judiciary Protection and Intelligence Organization, and the Islamic Republic of Iran Police Intelligence Organization. Each of these agencies receives funding from the public budget. Over the past three years, these institutions have reportedly cooperated more closely, fueled by the regime’s fear of potential uprisings, contradicting Khatib’s assertions of stability.
In stark contrast to the significant budget increase for security institutions, officials from other ministries—such as Education, Cultural Heritage, Roads and Urban Development, and Energy—have expressed ongoing concerns about budget shortfalls for essential projects. These include the renovation of schools, maintenance of historical sites, and improvements in road safety.
The surge in funding for security agencies was notably influenced by the nationwide protests in 2022. Following these events, the government proposed a budget bill to parliament that allocated one-fifth of total budget resources to “public order and security.” This funding was sourced from reduced oil exports, the transfer of state assets, tax revenues, and financial debts.
According to the Iran Open Data website, the budget for defense and security in 2023 increased by over 38% compared to the previous year, totaling more than 272 trillion tomans—four times the amount allocated for education. This trend is expected to continue into 2024.
However, it’s crucial to recognize that these figures reflect only the nominal budget for security institutions. Due to the opaque nature of the regime’s financial structure, accurately estimating the real budget of these agencies is challenging. For instance, in June 2023, the dissident group “Uprising until Overthrow” revealed documents indicating that the Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces and the IRGC commander had requested special funding for suppression equipment.
In one letter, Mohammad Bagheri, the Chief of Staff, requested 10 trillion tomans for various operational needs, including motorcycles and electronic equipment. Similarly, Hossein Salami, the IRGC commander, sought substantial funds for surveillance and monitoring equipment aimed at controlling student protests.
The allocation of such vast resources to security institutions occurs despite the Program and Budget Organization’s claims of insufficient funds to address pressing social issues, including the rights of pensioners, disabled individuals, and educators. This stark disparity raises serious questions about the regime’s priorities and the implications for civil liberties in Iran.
Source » irannewsupdate